Cave Investigations in the La Caoba Vicinity, Sayaxche, Guatemala

In 1999, the Cancuen Archaeological Project began its investigations in the Upper Pasión Kingdom, a little-understood area of the ancient Maya world. Since this time, important discoveries have been made which have allowed a reinterpretation of different aspects of the lives of the ancient inhabitants of the southern Petén. One of the most noticeable aspects is the large quantity of pyramidal karst towers in the region, which could be related to the lack of monumental ritual architecture at Cancuen and other sites. During the 2001 season, the Vanderbilt Upper Pasión Archaeological Cave Survey (VUPACS) was founded to investigate the nature of the relationship between the karst towers and the ancient inhabitants of the region.

Architecturally, Cancuen (Figure 1) stand s out in the corpus of Maya archaeology. In spite of its size (and the presence of one of the largest palaces in the ancient Maya world) it has only one temple, even though several other, smaller ceremonial structures have been found in the past few years. Public ritual in the epicenter of Cancuen occurred in one of 2 ballcourts or in one of the 2 ceremonial plazas. The northern plaza is lined with oratories on the eastern and western sides, and borders the palace on the south and the North Group on the north. There is also some evidence of private rituals in oratories located in a few residential plaza groups and in closed patios in the palace. It is possible as well that there were ritual components in the palace as well, but the last phase of construction closed off access to the plazas to the two ceremonial plazas. The highest structures in the acropolis also closed off visual links between the plazas and much of the palace.

However, to understand the ritual of Cancuen, one must look further than the epicenter. The residents of other Mesoamerican cities exploited both internal and external sacred geography for public and private ritual activities. For example, around the Valley of Mexico the local communities constructed altars on the slopes of Popocatepetl (Uruñuela y Plunket 1998), and the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan is located above a modified cave that resembles the mythological cave of origin (Heyden 1975). The most famous example in the Maya world is probably the Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza. In the Upper Pasión Kingdom, project co-director Tomás Barrientos (pers. comm.) has suggested that the Maya of Tres Islas used the three islands, reminiscent of the 3-stone hearth, in the Pasión River that appear during the dry season. Around Cancuen there are also geographic features with religious significance for the Maya, both ancient and modern. The caves around Fray Bartolomé de las Casas and the Candelaria Caves in Alta Verapaz, and hill-caves in the southwestern Petén were all subject to preliminary investigation in the 2001 field season.

II. Objectives and Methodology

The investigations in these areas were under undertaken to understand the nature of the rituals that occurred inside of the region's caves. Specifically, we want to understand the difference between public and private rituals here and to obtain preliminary information that will allow us to evaluate the potential of caves around Cancuen for having been regional ritual areas. Given the nature of reconnaissance, the investigation used a simple methodology. A map, as detailed as possible, was made and small samples of ceramics were taken to understand the nature of different ritual practices.

III. Defining Public and Private Rituals

We chose to use the same markers of public ritual defined by Brady in the cave of Naj Tunich (1989: 404-7), of which 3 are applicable:

		1) "Service" or "presentation" polychrome wares.
		2) Large open areas with the capacity to house a large group of people.
		3) Construction on a grand scale indicating a labor force above a familial
		level.

		1) Simpler ceramic wares.
		2) Smaller spaces, separated from the rest of the cave and its entrance.
		3) Smaller constructions indicating the use of the space by small groups of
		people.

The Maya often give us clues to their patterns of use inside the caves (Kenward 2001). Sometimes the Maya would delineate specific ritual spaces through the construction of a stone line or wall. These most likely represent rituals meant to stand out in the ritual record of the cave. In fact, some of these rituals would permanently close off part of the cave. Because they often appear to have remained undisturbed until modern archaeological, or, more often, looting activities disturb them, this ritual delineation seems to have been respected by later practitioners in the caves.

Unfortunately, tantalizing sealed passages and easily-accessible artifacts do make caves prime places for looting. Intentional vandalism, carelessness, and ignorance all work together at times to destroy these delicate features and the artifacts contained within them, often before the archaeologist can document the caves. Such was the case during the first reconnaissance of the Cancuen Regional Archaeological Cave Survey.

The Caves of Fray Bartolomé de las Casas

Fray Bartolomé de las Casas is one of the largest communities in northern Alta Verapaz. It is located in a long strip of karst towers, stretching from Chisec past Fray Bartolome. Local interest in the caves seems to stem predominately from two motives: 1) tourist development, 2) personal monetary gain. The two caves visited on the Fray reconnaissance were "Los Angeles" Nim La K'obeja, named for the presence in its main entrance of formations resembling "angel hair" and the neighboring community, and Cueva de los Guerrillas, named for the most recent occupants of the cave. These two caves revealed all of the worst fears that any cave archaeologist has. The former had been destroyed by a combination of well-intentioned people who wished to create tourist paths through many formations and local tourists who wanted souvenirs for their houses. The only cultural artifacts in the cave are modern, mostly garbage left behind by visitors. The latter cave, on the other hand, was used as a hiding place for rebel soldiers during the recent Guatemalan civil war. Graffiti was spray-painted on the ceiling and looters' pits were dug in many of the chambers. It is impossible to tell if the blocked entrances to the cave were Pre-Columbian in origin or modern defensive fortifications. Two ollas were recovered from the cave, both of which are safe-guarded by the Teachers' Institute of Fray Bartolome de las Casas.

IV. Las Cuevas de Candelaria

The Candelaria caves were subject to 2 days of reconnaissance. These caves, located 14 km. southeast of the epicenter of Cancuen consist of large tunnels que inundate in the rainy season. Hieroglyphic evidence from Naj Tunich, Guatemala, describes the many rituals that occurred around the beginning of the rainy season to petition a good growing season. The fact that the cave would have been impossible for a stage for public ritual during the height of the rainy season would seem to force this cave system into that pattern.

While it is unlikely that they were used daily for the inhabitants of Cancuen, the fact that one could reach the caves in several hours indicates that they could have been used frequently by those from Cancuen and other sites. Much of Candelaria's cave system is in "twilight zone," an area with some natural illumination, and the caves themselves are wide and tall. The tunnels form large rooms which can hold hundreds of people, and both these and smaller rooms placed 15-20 meters above the floor (potential ritual "stages") are naturally illuminated by the light from a series of "skylights"-large entrances that line the passages. The ease of access, the high placement of public stages, and the presence of natural light make the caves an ideal area for large-scale public ritual.

The Candelaria Cave system is one of the largest in the Maya world, and it appears to have been a pilgrimage center for the ancient Mayas due to its impressive size and its proximity to the long-distance exchange routes between the Maya highlands and lowlands. The closest settlement is Raxruja Viejo, located about 5 km to the east, and the site of Sebol, which is located close to its southern side. Other studies (e.g., Carot 1989) have examined other parts of the caves in detail, but much of the system still has not been explored, even with the 20 years of investigation by Daniel Dreux.

Our investigations have been limited to a small part of the cave, called in our studies "Chamber 1" (Figure 2). This area, a smaller chamber above the tunnel floor which would have contained stages for public ritual, is composed of two functionally distinct sections: 1A and 1B, which are separated by a natural barrier or stalagmites formed by a spring in the ceiling. This barrier was later made more pronounced by the Maya, who filled in the empty space between each stalagmite with stones. However, the separation was intentionally not completed: both parts can be accessed by the large window to the north.

The simplest part of the chamber, 1B, is a platform looking to the north. It is naturally lit by a large skylight to the northeast, creating an ideal location for performing public rituals. The polychrome ceramics encountered in this part of the cave also demonstrate a public use, as does the fact that the Maya built several "bleachers" or artificial terraces below the skylight. While the exact function of the terraces is unknown, they do match Brady's criteria for public ritual, as does the ceramic evidence and the sheer scale of the cave tunnel.

It appears that the majority of rituals in this part of the cave were performed in section 1A, which was home to both public and private ritual. Near the entrance are small piles of polychrome ceramics, 3 obsidian blades, a drilled animal canine (possibly jaguar), and a possible ceramic mirror base. In contrast to the "public" areas near the entrance visible from below, further inside the chamber are different natural and constructed features which were the focus of a different sort of ritual activity-a cache of 3 white speleothems, a 3-stone hearth, an altar composed of 3 small stones supporting a large tablet, and 2 stone circles around stalagmitic columns. Similar stone circles were found in Belize in Chechem Ha cave by the Western Belize Regional Cave Project, 15 minuts southeast of Melchor de Mencos. It appears to be a variation of the cave stela complex, associated with private elite rituals at Chechem Ha and other caves in the Belize Valley (Awe 1997, Awe et al. n.d.). In the case of the Candelaria Caves, this feature could have served as a place for private rituals or a private component of public ritual.

The front part of the chamber demonstrates the pattern described at Naj Tunich-the chambers below form a space large enough to house hundreds of people. The interior part of the chamber as well could contain a large group of people, but is small in comparison to the tunnels below and the access is much more naturally restricted. Unfortunately, polychrome ceramics were found in both proposed public and private space. However, upon talking to the workers at Dreux' hotel, it was discovered that ceramics (apparently polychrome) were moved from 1B to piles in the more private back part of 1A in order to protect them from tourists .

V. The Hill-Caves of La Caoba

Another important geographical feature for the population of Cancuen is to be found around the village of La Caoba, located about 7.5 km northeast of the site (about a 4 hour's walk from the site epicenter). The karst towers, known as "mogotes" by the French explorers and witz'ob' by the Classic Maya, resemble huge natural pyramids. They are also to be found in the north of Alta Verapaz, and are characterized by the presence of a large quantity of caves on their slopes. A theory that has gained momentum in recent years is that pyramids themselves are representations these natural formations (Schele y Freidel 1990: 72, see as well Barrientos y Demarest 2000: 322). An essential part of the cosmology of the Maya world, both ancient and modern, is the sacred mountain-cave, which is the home of many of the pantheon of gods, including the rain god Chak, associating them with fertility. These mountain-caves, as any natural hole into the earth, serve as portals to the underworld for both the human inhabitants of the surface of the earth and the sun and moon in their daily movements. Because of their underworld connotations, caves also serve as centers for communication with the ancestors, much as has been speculated for temples.

Because of the cosmological connotations, cave investigation is central to the understanding of ancient Maya ritual and religion. Their status as almost exclusively ritual space, coupled with the level of preservation often found inside due to their stable climate, allows glimpses into ancient ritual activity not found anywhere else in the tropics .

The relative lack of temples at Cancuen could indicate the importance of these hills and caves (Barrientos et al. 2000), which were probably used by the residents of Cancuen as temples. One can clearly see them from Cancuen's epicenter-they strikingly contrast with the flat plains which compose most of the site's horizon. Fahsen (et al. 2001) suggested that these hills could even have been mentioned in the texts from Cancuen as the "Makanwitz," an important ritual place. The use of the region for ritual probably pre- and post-dates Cancuen, and is located in the middle of the kingdom's 3 proposed capitals-Tres Islas, Cancuen, and Machaquila.

VUPACS began investigation around the village of La Caoba with the intention of establishing a base camp for several seasons of archaeological and speleoarchaeological investigations in the area. Working with the community (and especially its tepezcuintle hunters, it was possible to locate 6 of the hundreds of caves in the area as well as 3 archaeological sites. Of these, 3 caves were reconnoitered and one was systematically investigated. We also began to document the archaeological site of La Caoba Vieja, located under the modern village and 2 hours from the nearest perpetual source of water. The site is not inconsequential, as evinced by the A Group (Figure 3), located behind the village school.

The principle focus of our investigations in La Caoba during this season was Cave 1 of Cerro de los Murciélagos (Figure 4), which typified the caves of the La Caoba region. At its widest point, the cave spanned 60 meters. It had 6 large entrances, each of which was visible from below, and which created ritual stages similar to those found in Candelaria and in the standard Maya temple-pyramid.

The amount of entrances, coupled with the small size of the cave, indicates that all of the cave with 3 exceptions is twilight zone. While the cave demonstrates some evidence of disturbance, it is practically unlooted. It does, however, appear to have been used in recent years as a firewood storage facility, evinced by the large piles at several of its entrances. In fact, only one of the caves discovered this year have any evidence of looting -Och'och' Pek Be', which was used as a bath connecting 2 neighboring valleys. All known caves have some evidence of modern disturbance, however, and so without excavation it is impossible to say much about specific ritual patterns. Thus, for this report, I will focus more on general statements about ritual activity in these caves.

After finishing up the field season we could say with certainty that the caves of La Caoba were important locations for ritual events. Cave 1 of Cerro de los Murciélagos is filled with stone lines marking ritual space and has as well other evidence of ritual activity such as walls and caches. Two distinct patterns of ritual were found inside the cave: the use of single-tier stone lines which separate passages that connect different parts of the cave, symbolically dividing them into distinct ritual spaces. The three dark zones appear to have been home to a different ritual pattern, containing the only cache, burial, and sealed space by a 1.05 meter-tall wall.

Each sealed cave or passageway in La Caoba leads to a dark zone and the wall which seals the area is either in the twilight zone or outside of the cave. Cave 3 of Cerro de los Murciélagos, which will be investigated in 2002, is completely sealed 5 meters from its intrance.

One of the most important finds of the season came from Murciélagos: a cache in a dark zone named "the Mushroom Chamber" that consists of 2 mushroom pots of a probable Protoclassic origin (Figure 5). The cache was encountered above a formation 2 meters above the chamber floor. Each vessel had use-wear indicating that they stood up on a hollow base (Barrientos, pers. comm.). Each one had a textured pattern atop the mushroom cap, probably rolled corncobs and criss-crossed scratches. This type of vessel is discovered in different parts of the Maya world-western Belize (Awe, pers. comm. 2001), Seibal (Sabloff 1975: 86), Altar de Sacrificios (Adams 1971: Figs 13d and 14h), and El Mirador (Demarest 1984: 88)-during the Protoclassic and have been associated with ballgame paraphernalia. It has been speculated that they were used to make rubber balls and it is certainly associated with hallucinogenic drugs. The early date of these vessels indicate that they were deposited long before Cancuen was occupied, but potentially during the occupation of the site of Cancuen, the Early Classic dynastic seat of the Upper Pasión Kingdom. The distance between Tres Islas and La Caoba approximates that between Cancuen and La Caoba, and could have been accessed equally and with the same frequency by residents of both sites. A reconnaissance by Tomás Barrientos could strengthen the connection between Caoba and Tres Islas: in a surface collection was found a mushroom pot in the same pattern. Hopefully, future investigations can provide more conclusive links among the three areas.

VI. Conclusions

VUPACS undertook investigations in Candelaria and La Caoba in order to test the possibility that the elites of Cancuen performed public and private rituals there on the behalf of their people. After these preliminary studies, the possibility appears to be higher than we hoped. The La Caoba region affords a unique and unparalleled database for the study of cave ritual, especially if the noted absence of ritual is consistent throughout the entire area. While there are similar hill-caves in Fray Bartolomé de las Casas and Raxruha, they have been extensively looted, and La Caoba appears to house the region's only pristine caves.

We hope to continue to investigate the La Caoba region in the following years and hope to find evidence that the first power of the Upper Pasión, Tres Islas, took advantage of the nearby natural temples at La Caoba to perform its rituals. When power was transferred to Cancuen, and later still to Machaquila, we hope to show that the elites continued to use the natural temples, creating an important ritual place outside of their respective epicenters, one which demonstrates a regional continuity of the base of power. Future investigations by the Cancuen Archaeological Project and VUPACS will acquire more information about Maya rituals, both in the sites' epicenters and in peripheral areas such as La Caoba. The absence of looters in Cancuen and La Caoba will permit the definition of ritual patterns in different but related places.

As the Cancuen Regional Archaeological Cave Survey's work continues, we will have a better understanding both of the darker aspects of ancient Maya life and its relationships with everyday life in the Upper Pasión. Excavations in the surface component of La Caoba are planned for the 2003 season, once community relations have been more established, and investigations into the ritual architecture at Cancuen and in other sites within this archaeological zone will be taken into consideration to form a well-balanced understanding of Classic Maya ritual in the Upper Pasión. VII. Works cited

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