The Upper Pasión area of Guatemala (Figure 1), located at the highland-lowland interface along one of the major Precolumbian trade routes in the Maya area, stands out in the corpus of Maya archaeology for the apparent de-emphasis of ritual architecture at sites in the region. Investigations by Vanderbilt and the Universidad del Valle in the Upper Pasión kingdom represent the first large archaeological project in the region between the Petexbatun and the Guatemalan highlands. The project, still in its initial years, began expanding into a regional project in the 2001 season (Woodfill et al. 2001) through preliminary investigations by the Vanderbilt Upper Pasión Archaeological Cave Survey (VUPACS), in both the area surrounding the modern town of Fray Bartolome de las Casas and caves and settlements around the village of La Caoba. This regional approach was expanded this season with financial assistance from the Ahau Foundation and permission from the Ministerio de Cultura, with a region-wide cave and surface survey, reconnoitering and mapping caves and ancient settlements outside of the towns of Raxruha, Chisec, Muqb'ilha' (Candelaria), and Yalpemech in Chisec, Alta Verapaz as well as La Caoba. Research was conducted to answer several important questions: what was the nature of ritual activity in the Upper Pasión Kingdom? How did this ritual change over time? The relative lack of ritual architecture in the area and its importance in inter-regional trade would, on the surface, suggest that an ideological basis for power was overshadowed by economics. Rather than allowing the region to stand out as "the exception to the rule," however, the authors believe that the unique geography of the region (similar karst topography is to be found only in southern China) allowed for the residents of the region to use and reformulate the landscape here in a manner parallel to the use of constructed landscape in the rest of the Maya Lowlands. This use is strongly reminiscent of ritual patterns in the Maya Highlands in both ancient and modern times (Vogt 1965), and the synthesis of both a lowland and a highland tradition would be expected in the transitional zone between the two areas.
Research here is vital not only because of its potentially unique use of landscape but also because the caves in the
region represent potentially the largest "pristine" sample of caves in the Maya world. Many of the caves in the area,
especially in the La Caoba Vicinity, are almost completely untouched by looters and traversed, if at all, by local milperos
while hunting tepezcuintle or passing between valleys. Cave archaeology is fraught with methodological and sampling
problems--normally lacking in stratigraphy, subject to natural and anthropomorphic disturbance, and prone to looting.
This is a region largely ignored by looters and academics alike, and allows us a "testing ground" for testing various
hypotheses on the nature of cave use impossible in "high-traffic" areas in much of the rest of the Maya region.
II. Methodology
VUPACS fieldwork for the 2002 season occurred between February and June. The first phase of the season, based in Chisec, was largely working along-side indigenous Maya who, with help from US-AID and the Peace Corps, were in the process of creating a small-scale, sustainable tourist industry in several caves, notably B'omb'il Pek and Juliq'. Both the latter cave and a nearby surface settlement were mapped, and the former was subject to a month-long intensive investigation to determine the extent of both ancient and modern ritual cave use. Phase I research was also conducted in the Candelaria cave system.
The second phase of investigation occurred in and around the village of La Caoba, surveying caves and excavating structures in and around the central acropolis of La Caoba Vieja, located under the modern community. A final, initial reconnaissance of caves in the site of Raxruha Viejo occurred in June.
Laboratory analysis of recovered artifacts, maps, and drawings occurred in Guatemala City between June and August of 2002.
Ceramic analysis was conducted by Dr. Cassandra Bill (Bill et al. 2002) and tested using Neutron Activation
Analysis by Dr. Ron Bishop with results pending. Lithic analysis is pending by Vanderbilt PhD candidate Brigitte Kovacevich.
A site map for La Caoba was plotted by Vanderbilt PhD candidate Matt O'Mansky (O'Mansky 2002) using an EDM and
AutoCAD 2002. Final versions of all hand-drawn profiles, plans, and maps were inked by project artist Luís Fernando Luín.
III. Investigations in the municipio of Chisec, Alta Verapaz
VUPACS investigations in the municipio of Chisec during the 2002 field season were conducted by Brent Woodfill, Nicolas Miller, Margaret Tarpley, and Amalia Kenward, and were mostly conducted around the town of Chisec, although some work was done in the Sierra de Chinaha, the Candelaria Caves system, and within and around the major archaeological site of Raxruha Viejo. The center of 2002 research in Chisec was the large and impressive cave of Juliq', and was conducted to gather and preserve information regarding ancient and modern cave ritual before opened to tourism.
Both CHI-1-1, Juliq' ("Wind Hole")and CHI-1-2, B'omb'il Pek ("Painted Stone"),are located near the modern town and
cabecera of Chisec, Alta Verapaz. They were investigated under the auspices of the B'omb'il Pek Comité de Turismo. While
the majority of our time was devoted to Juliq' for its size, ease of access, and less-known status, preliminary
reconnaissance was conducted in B'omb'il Pek. The two caves have very different entrances and thus demonstrate different
patterns of use. 
Juliq' is entered through a narrow crack in the ground at the base of a ridge, while B'omb'il Pek is
located after a small opening inside of a giant, dramatic sinkhole. The floor of the sinkhole is blanketed in sherds and
obsidian blades. While access would have been naturally restricted by a difficult descent-8 meters down vines, roots, and
the rock face-the ledge above the descent would have made a perfect place for a ritual audience to watch the goings-on.
The cave of B'omb'il Pek itself is more restricted still. The cave is entered by climbing up the opposite side of the sinkhole and squeezing through a hole with a diameter of about 60 cm and nearly a meter thick. The cave opens into a room with another tight squeeze-through. On the other side of this is the room for which the cave is named. Above and on the other side of a large chasm, the ancient Maya painted several animals, including monkeys and jaguars. Recent vandalism has damaged these paintings, but thankfully, they had already been recorded by Carot (1989).
Both of these caves appear to have been used by the ancient community of B'omb'il Pek (discussed in Carot [1989]), which
is a small site with the region's only known ballcourt outside of Cancuen (O'Mansky, pers. comm.). Residents here, like at
Raxruha Viejo, incorporated the natural landscape into their architecture, with another platform abutting a large hill. The
most interesting part of the site architecturally is the large A-group plaza from which the ballcourt extends. Buildings in
the A-Group are incorporated into the ballcourt's I-shape and the court is separated symbolically from the plaza through a
one-course wall extending from the western structure several meters and covers about ½ of the north edge of the court,
leaving the rest open.
IV. Investigations in the Cave of Juliq'
VUPACS explored, mapped, and photographed Juliq' while helping to train tour guides in cave management, responsible cave tourism, and Maya archaeology, as well as establishing a minimum-impact tourist path through the cave.
Juliq' (Figure 2) is a large, wet cave with much evidence of both ancient and modern use. The cave is naturally divided into four different sections. Part I (Figure 3) has become the tourist part of the cave, and is dead and devoid of cultural remains. The darkness is occasionally punctuated by large skylights near the entrance to the cave and in this culturally- devoid section. These skylights coupled with the fact that the cave is well below the surface outside have buried the floor in these sections in at least 6 meters of clay, as evidenced by a large, recently dug pit near the entrance of the cave.
Part II (Figure 3) is separated from part I by a large hill of clay that is the result of erosion into another skylight
near the main entrance. While there is some evidence of ancient use-mostly sherds scattered on the ground-the most
interesting part of this section is the presence of 2 modern altars. Altar 1 is a large natural table with some stacked
sherds and colored wax left over from different modern rituals. Altar 2 is more complicated, with a hearth filled with soot
and copal resin, evidence of many candles of different colors, a hand-rolled cigar, modern bird bones, and a series of
crosses painted with blood and boj (aguardiente) on surrounding formations. In front of the altar is evidence of another
ceremony, possibly a fire ceremony-a large piece of a comal is surrounded by burnt manaco leaves, copal resin, and charcoal.
Part III (Figure 3), accessible by a small tunnel from part II, has the most evidence of archaeological use. Originally discovered and mapped by French explorer Daniel Dreux, this part of the cave had at least 3 whole vessels including an elaborate incensario. However, only one vessel appearing in his map was still present at the time of our investigations, one that was immovable because of the intricate series of fractures that formed when the pot was "killed." The pot is part of a definable "moment" in time-it and associated artifacts tell a story. This Late Classic vessel was brought deep into the cave, placed on a natural three stone hearth of three small stalagmites on a ledge approximately 1.3 meters tall. It contains burnt organic residue and has evidence of a fire below. A clue to the nature of the organics is found dropped on the floor below-a small obsidian blade. After the ritual was conducted, a small stone was thrown into the pot, effectively "killing" it and terminating the ritual. Future residue analysis of both the blade and the organics within the vessel will determine the ritual's exact nature, but it is likely that it was an act of bloodletting. Fortunately, the act of "killing" the pot resulted in a latticework of cracks in the vessel itself, which discouraged looters from taking it. Several other vessels, mostly incensarios, were present on the original map of the cave but were not present during these investigations.
The passage is still very much alive and dripping, and has several large stalagmites over 4 meters tall. Under the
breakdown associated with these stalagmites, we found peccary bones painted in Maya blue. Interestingly enough, users of
the modern Altar III several meters away left behind pig bones. Several other areas of modern and ancient use were scattered
throughout this section, as were tied pieces of plastic from another cave survey. Towards the back of part III,
a precarious climb leads to a small series of passages of paintings, including negative handprints, and a ½ olla placed
under a dripping formation presumably to collect suhuy ha'. It presently has two formations growing out of it. A recently-
broken pot was found underneath the ledge in front of these passages which had been stacked by some modern visitor.
Part IV of the cave (Figure 4), accessible from Part II by a long, short passage, also has a modern use altar, Altar IV,
a small table with evidence of candles and burning. A side passage beyond it, a low passage bounding a long, shallow puddle,
has soot from candles and, finger painted on the wall with clay from the floor, the words "Dios te ama." The most
interesting part of this passage (the so-called Chupanalgas Chamber) is behind Altar IV and beyond a small crawl-through.
In an area otherwise devoid of evidence of human activity, the walls are covered with charcoal drawings (Table 1 at end of document), which
seem to be roughly marking a ritual path, serving almost as surveying data-often forming a visual string, the next painting
visible from the previous. At times, several potential ways to maneuver through the passages are possible, at which point
more drawings are present. The drawings are divided into six different types: entopic, which mostly consist of abstract
sketches and simple shapes induced by trance states; anthropomorphic, which are limited to faces and silhouettes; negative
handprints (three paintings in total, one right hand and two using both the left and right hands to create a silhouette of a
bird's neck and head); zoomorphic, (a winged snake, a possible bat, and a possible deer); "signs"-delineating the ritual
path and showing the "penitent" the way-horizontal stripes indicate that the path continues above or below the viewer, while
vertical lines mean that the path hooks a left or a right; and potential glyphs, limited to the last painting in the series,
a painting on a curtain ledge above the path floor which appears to be a cartouche with a bar and dot number associated
with it, potentially reading 8 Ahau. We followed the path past this painting
with rope and rappelled into the passages on the other side of the formation, but there was no evidence of previous visitors
to this part of the cave.
Discussion
Juliq' is significant for several reasons. 1) It greatly expands the known corpus of Maya rock art and appears to
demonstrate one of the few known examples of ritual pathways in the ancient Maya world. 2) The whole vessel and associated
obsidian blade allow archaeologists to glimpse a specific "moment in time," which is rare in the archaeological record, and
the preponderance of both ancient and modern cave use provide significant parallels and contrasts. 3) Work in Juliq' allowed
for a high degree of collaboration between the indigenous people and archaeologists. VUPACS research there allowed the
preservation, protection, and recording of archaeological remains before opening the caves to the project. The team of
archaeologists helped to train local guides in responsible cave tourism management, delineated the tourist trail through the
cave, and gave them an expanded knowledge of ancient Maya society and ideology. At the same time, however, the
archaeologists were able to learn about the continuities between ancient and modern Maya ritual patterns. Juliq' not only
has a large contemporary ritual component but work was a collaboration between the archaeologists and the indigenous Q'eqchi'
, so our understanding of ancient and modern activity was strengthened through their participation.
V. Initial investigations of other caves in the Chisec municipality
Several other caves were explored in the vicinity of Chisec. CHI-1-3, El Cementario Maya, also investigated by Daniel Dreux, is a seasonally flooding cave filled with small fragments of human bone and scattered ceramics located in and around large guano pools. Due to the perennial movement of water, any context for the artifacts has been lost, but from the artifacts found, it appears to have been an ossuary cave that doubled as a location for other ritual activity.
Two other caves were investigated, Cueva de Chichicasta (CHI-1-4), Cueva de Guaro (CHI-1-5), and Cueva Deposito las Ruínas (CHI-1-6). All are in large hills surrounding the ancient town of Deposito las Ruínas and show many signs of modern use. Chichicasta is a medium-sized rock shelter with at least 6 modern altars with different-colored candles, copal soot, charcoal , and burnt leaves and a large ancient wall that has been partially broken down to allow access to the back part of the cave. Guaro is another small rock shelter that appears to be used mostly as a "drinking hole," with little archaeology. The final cave, named after the site, is located directly above it in a large ridge. It has a large potential ritual stage in front of it and small, batty passages which become quickly too narrow to pass through.
The site itself is located on the banks of the Río San Simon alongside a cenote that becomes visible during the dry season
and is the only constant source of water around the modern community of Chisec, which is a 30 minute's walk away. It
consists of several large structures, some of which have been built incorporating small natural hills. Unfortunately, the
largest building at the site (approximately 7x5x3m) was heavily looted for stone when the military was building the town of
Chisec, and, as a result, is mostly hollow. The land itself is now either guaymil or milpa, and it is difficult to access
the exact size of the site. It has been previously reported in Carot (1989) as La Poza, but for ease, we are here using
its local name in Chisec.
Preliminary reconnaissance was also conducted around Raxruha in June. Chinches Muertos (RAX-20-1) is located in a large hill which stands between the epicenter of Raxruha Viejo and a large secondary group. It is a medium-sized labyrinthine cave which has been disturbed and graffitied in recent history. In addition to sherds scattered throughout the cave (most likely disturbed-pieces of the same pot are found in at least three different lots), an obsidian blade was found in a wide tunnel leading to a potentially Precolumbian face carved on a stalagmite. The "duende," however, has no associated artifacts, nor are there artifacts in this part of the cave. The beginning of the crawl-space leading to it, however, has several scattered obsidian blades.
Another reconnaissance occurred two rock shelters in the Sierra de Chinaha in February. Several Early Classic polychrome basal flange sherds were brought to Guatemala City for analysis. It is likely that activity here is associated with the ancient city of Yalpemech. Future research in the Upper Pasión will determine the origin of the participants in the rituals located here.
The Candelaria Caves were a large pilgrimage center in the Classic, with ceramic vessels found there potentially originating from disparate parts of the Maya world, including several Tikal-style cylindrical tripod vessels (Demarest, pers. comm.). In addition to being an impressive cave system at the highland-lowland interface, the Río San Simon, which is one of the main tributaries which forms the Río Pasión, flows through the system and is the final "entrance" of the river on its course northward.
The work in the Candelaria Cave system this season was a brief follow-up to a study conducted last
season in the tourist section of the same system, which consists of a perennial streambed illuminated by light from a
series of natural windows in the upper walls which creates large, flat areas for large numbers of spectators below high
natural ledges used for public rituals. Archaeological evidence of ritual activity discovered in the upper ledges consisted
of obsidian prismatic blades, polychrome ceramics, a drilled jaguar claw, a wall separating two different ritual areas, and
altars in the private-component areas beyond the line of site from below.
Located a 20-minute walk away from this passage, CND-2-2, Cueva de los Chinches (Figure 5), is a large, inverted P-shaped
pass-through in a large hill visible from the Coban-Sayaxche road. While it too has a large ledge inside of the cave almost
identical to those studied in 2001, it is completely devoid of artifacts. Instead, all of the artifacts, which include
several prismatic blades and hundreds of polychrome and unslipped sherds are near the dramatic entrance, indicating that this
hill and associated cave worked much like the more common temple-pyramids of the Maya Lowlands. The ledge in Chinches is
also just inside the dark zone unlike those in Candelaria, which might indicate the importance of natural light with regard
to large-scale public rituals.
Discussion
Research in and around Raxruha is of vital importance to understanding the nature of highland-lowland interaction.
Located just north of the "last gasp" of the highlands (the Sierra de Chinaha), it demonstrates most obviously hybrid
highland-lowland patterns typical of the region. The regional mapping project led by Matt O'Mansky (this volume) recorded
the use of natural karst towers as large, natural "pyramids," which synthesizes the highland use of these sacred mountain
caves, or witzob' in a lowland fashion, incorporating them into their city parallel to the pyramids found in the rest of the
Lowland Maya world. This is especially apparent at the site of Raxruha Viejo (Figure 6), which is completely lacking in
temple architecture. Instead, large, pyramidal hills have been incorporated into the site core as giant, natural temples.
One hill in particular borders the site's main plaza and is fronted by a long, stepped platform complete with a row of
stelae and altars in a manner recognizable from sites in the central Maya lowlands.
VI. Cave Investigations at La Caoba
La Caoba is located in the middle of a 32-km2 area of large pyramidal hills. Hewn out of reef coral, they are the
remnants of an older surface which eroded away after geologic uplift. Left in the hills as well are pieces of an ancient
cave system which would have wound its way under the whole area. The erosion process has left behind hills and ridges
bounding hundreds of small valleys, some of which are only accessible by caves. Looting in the caves is limited to bringing
the occasional removal of a whole vessel to the home of one of the residents, but the caves have been somewhat disturbed.
Walls for hunting tepezcuintle have been constructed and the occasional gold-hunter's pit is found. As in Juliq', at least
one cave is a regional center for modern ritual activity, petitioning a tzuultaq'a (dueño) named La Ventana.
VUPACS investigations at Caoba were undertaken by Nicolas Miller, Margaret Tarpley, Elayne Pope (a doctoral student in
physical anthropology at University of Arkansas, Fayetteville), and Brent Woodfill, and identified and reconnoitered 16 caves
. Of those, half were mapped (one, by Woodfill and Jon Spenard [2001]) with a Brunton sighting compass/clinometer and 50m
tape, while the rest were sketch mapped.
CBA-1-1, Cueva de los Murciélagos (Figure 7), is a small, multiple-entrance cave first identified and mapped in the 2001
field season. It has much evidence of Protoclassic use, including a cache of 2 whole mushroom pots, each with a small,
drilled "kill hole" under the cap, identified in 2001, and a large fragment of a shoe pot discovered this season. It
conforms exactly to the ideal witz-a large pyramidal hill with 6 different cave entrances near the peak dramatically visible
from the valley below. Three different dark zones are present in the cave, all of which have evidence of specialized use
including the mushroom pot cache and a (much disturbed) burial.
CBA-1-2, Cueva de los Chuchos, is a small walk-through filled with walls which initially caused much excitement among the mappers until it was revealed by our guide that they were all tepezcuintle-hunting devices built in recent years. This necessitated a refined typology of walls to distinguish the pre-Columbian from the modern.
CBA-1-3, Queso Suizo (Figure 8), is a small, multi-entrance cave similar to, but much smaller than, Murciélagos. It
contains a small labyrinth, in front of which is a cache of large snail shells. The entrances are littered with polychrome
and service-ware sherds.
CBA-1-4, Cueva las Manos (Figure 9), is a cave with some dark zone and a single entrance. The floor is littered with sherds, and we found most of a probable Late Preclassic Flor Cream bowl (Bill et al. this volume) which had been smashed at the entrance. To the side of the entrance, Nicolas Miller identified a cache consisting of chert flakes topped by half of a mano, and another half-mano was discovered at the entrance to the cave. Parts of a human skeleton, probably male, were discovered at the back of the cave, mixed with collapse from the ceiling.
CBA-1-5 and CBA-1-6, neither of which were named, were small and largely lacking in archaeological data. In Cave 5, one
sherd and one piece of chert was uncovered. Cave 6 has two main entrances on either side of the hill and a large collapsed
sinkhole in the middle. Some sherds scattered around the entrance and possible jute shells in the small dark zone.
CBA-1-7, Cueva del Coche (Figure 10), is another cave named after a large pig or peccary skull found inside. It is located on the east and south sides of a large hill with three entrances-two to the east and one to the south. The majority of sherds are found close to the eastern entrances. To the south, there is a small labyrinth connecting the two southernmost entrances. In the middle of the cave, on top of a large stalagmite is the skull.
CBA-1-8, Kaaminaq So'tz ("Dying Bat") (Figure 11), was the most interesting cave of the season discovered in La Caoba.
The cave is in two main parts-a large labyrinth which has been blocked off at each of its entrances by ancient walls and a
large "sherd room" located at an entrance inaccessible from the outside-a dramatic crack approximately 15 meters above the
valley floor. Unlike most of the caves investigated this season, this cave was not in a hill, but rather a large ridge which 
forms a long wall separating two valleys. A trail through the labyrinth is sporadically marked by sherds, and the walls are
filled with "stars," identified by the modern Q'eqchi' inhabitants as paintings. They are, however, actually star-shaped
cross-sections of coral fossils which have eroded with their rock matrix. The sherd room itself has evidence of potentially
hundreds of Early Classic smashed vessels (Bill et al. this volume), at least 5 obsidian blades gathered for residue
analysis, and a shell gorget carved into a skull. The working hypothesis is that the cave was used much like structures
described in Oxkintok, Yaxuna, and the Usumacinta region-labyrinths into which shaman-kings entered, maneuvered, and exited
above the crowd to perform public ritual (Suhler et al. 1998). The quantity of presentation-ware ceramics near the entrance
certainly indicates the potential for such activity, and the obsidian blades, which are often found in parts of caves
associated with ritual bloodletting, would lend credence to this hypothesis. Due to the presence of the walls throughout
the labyrinth and the termination of use of the sherd room in the Early Classic, it would appear that the walls would have
been erected around the labyrinth at this point in time. Some evidence of ritual continues until the Late Classic in the
cave, but only in more accessible entrances in front of the labyrinth.
CBA-1-9, Cueva de las Ventanas, is a laterally-eroded cave passage on the other side of the valley from Kaaminaq So'tz, creating a shallow rock-shelter with a series of entrances along the hill face. There is little dark zone, but there are a few scattered sherds throughout the cave.
CBA-1-10, Cueva la Seca, is a long, narrow walkthrough connecting two different valleys, at one point blocked off by a large wall. When the team discovered the cave, the wall had been partially destroyed, leaving a crawlspace between the top of the wall and the ceiling.
CBA-1-11, Och'och' Pek Be' (Path Cave), is a small walkthrough connecting 2 valleys. Ancient use is difficult to
determine because of the disturbance in modern times. Since the further valley is connected only through that cave and is
the location of the milpa of one of the residents, it is much traveled. A modern wall was constructed to keep the pigs out
of the milpa, and all small crawlspaces have been blocked off with tepezcuintle walls.
CBA-1-12, Cueva de la Águila (Figures 12 and 13), is a snail shell-shaped cave, spiraling down from the summit of the
hill and is in one place broken by erosion, creating 2 caves where the gap has formed. Both this cave and Cave 13 have
whole vessels in them guarded by the local landowner. The vessel, a large water jar, was found in the uppermost part of the
cave behind large pieces of breakdown. It appears, however, that the pot was moved, probably in Precolumbian times, from a
white crystalline chamber behind it at the uppermost extreme of the cave. Since part of it was covered in calcium carbonate
deposits and it had no evidence of a kill hole, it is likely that it was used originally to collect suhuy ha'. Águila is
another large cave with several small, relatively artifact-free chambers. One small stone line was built in another part of
the cave with some evidence of ritual behind it, and the bottom "coil" is filled with artifacts and relatively fresh
vegetal matter washed down from the rest of the cave.
CBA-1-13, Cueva de la Barba (Figure 14), is a small rock shelter which also contains a whole pot, another water jar, without a kill hole. It appears to have been buried and then dug up by some gold hunter but left where it was found. Excavations around the pot failed to reveal any context for the pot itself or reason for its caching.
CBA-1-14, Shelter, is a shallow horizontal crack (approximately 4 meters deep by 15 meters long and sloping down from a 2.5 meter tall entrance) along a hill slope 5 minutes to the SW of the acropolis outside of the ancient community. In addition to surface collection, a 2x2 meter unit was dug. We found unusual material evidence in the shelter, including small bone fragments of at least 3 individuals, small pieces of animal bones, and broken metates. For this reason and for the size and proximity of Shelter to the community, we believe that it was used as a dump for garbage from at least part of the site.
A brief reconnaissance was also undertaken to the largest natural feature in the region, a small mountain called San
Francisco, which is presently on the land of the community of El Chotal. It is one of the three hills that can be seen from
Cancuen, Raxruha, and Tres Islas, and up-close it is possible to look right through it due to the presence of straight
passages cutting through the hill. The caves involved a dangerous climb up fragile sheer rock faces. CHT-1-1, Cueva de
Julián, is a pass-through, through which the team continued to reach the top of the hill. Atop San Francisco is a chute-
cave approximately 200m deep and nearly vertical. In recent history, a looter placed a tree ladder on the last 5 meters of
the cave, which ended in a heavily pot-holed floor.
Discussion
Strangely, there is little evidence of Late Classic use in the caves. This is for one of two reasons-either the caves were in use only through the Early Classic or that the investigators committed a sampling error. The latter is more likely, as we were mostly limited to investigations in the northern part of the hills, closer to the Early Classic center of Tres Islas. It would seem likely that in the Late Classic ritual would shift south, closer to Cancuen, in lands that are presently owned by the village of El Chotal. We will be unable to test this hypothesis until next season, however.
One of the interesting aspects to the artifact assemblages in the caves is the quantity of chert, especially chert cores,
that have been encountered. They appear to be, like the rest of the cave material, in a ritual context, with no evidence
of processing associated with them. Chert in many parts of the Maya world does have ideological associations, and is often
associated with tombs. Many modern altars include chert offerings, but it is presently unclear what chert in apparently
random places would be doing in the caves.
VII. La Caoba Vieja
The archaeological site of La Caoba Vieja (Figure 15) is located under the modern village that gives it its name. Located two hours from the nearest source of water, it appears to have been strategically founded to control access to a 32-km2 area of hill-caves and to take advantage of two small perched water tables in the middle of an otherwise parched and barren landscape
These two reasons help to explain why a town would have been settled there. Even with the two perched water tables, the village would still have been left dry for part of the year, necessitating bringing water from the Río Pasión or the Río Machaquila, both 2 hours away on foot. More perplexing is the fact that the town of La Caoba Vieja has the earliest known evidence of occupation for the region, which might suggest an ideological reason to settle close to the important hill-caves. VUPACS and the La Caoba Regional Archaeological Project (LCRAP), both subprojects of the Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuen, set out this season to test the hypothesis that the hill-caves were natural witzob', or sacred mountains which were used as a regional ritual center. Preliminary investigations at the site of Caoba in the 2002 field season were also undertaken to attempt to find definitive links between the surface and the caves; to find regional ties to Cancuen, Tres Islas, and other sites under investigation by Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuen; and to establish a chronology of the site.
The Caoba acropolis is located on the western periphery of La Caoba Vieja atop a large modified hill. It consisted of three different parts of the hill-one central rise and two lower terraces to the north and south. The central rise was leveled off with soil and ballast, and then plastered. The plaza group structures were all located on top of the platform, which terminated in a wall from 1 course (south side) to 3 courses (west side) tall (see figure 20).
The eastern front of the hill was severely modified, with two consecutive staircases separated by a large platform providing a public-private interface for the residents of the acropolis. Access into the compound then becomes increasingly restricted-a narrow staircase leads to an inlet in the top of the acropolis, which is completely blocked off except for a small entrance into the plaza between the corners of buildings A-1 and A-4.
The group presently has a few varied uses-scavenging ground for pigs and leña storage-and can even boast the schoolhouse's latrine and two large looter's trenches in the largest structure, A-1. A looter's trench was begun in the western side and cut laterally through about 1/3 of the structure, and a smaller one was begun on the east. The platform fronting the hill is presently occupied by a resident of the modern community.
Both the northern and southern terraces of the acropolis have been severely disturbed-the southern terrace is the location
of the schoolhouse, built over most of the midden associated with structure A-1, while the northern terrace has been mined
for cut stone and is the location of the modern cemetery.
Excavation unit CBA-2-1 (Figure 16), located in the central plaza, cut through 3 floors, and the ceramics ranged from Late Classic on top to potentially Late Preclassic associated with the bottom floor. Some evidence of watery associations was found, including coral fossils (also present in the fill of the structures and possibly simply the result of mining the local reef limestone) and half of a possible marine bivalve.
A large part of the midden associated with the ultimate occupation of A-1 was excavated, revealing evidence of a chert
workshop, a large collection of Cancuen-style figurines (Sears et al., this volume), and Late Classic Cancuen-style ceramics
(Bill et al., this volume). The placement of the modern schoolhouse prohibited excavation of much of the midden. A
naturally disturbed skeleton (Figure 17) was found in several articulated parts in the eastern part of the midden, in units
CBA-2-10 and CBA-2-27 through CBA-2-29. The skeleton was associated with refuse-non-human bone, ceramics, and a large
quantity of obsidian and chert, and appears to have slumped down before it fully decayed. This midden averaged about 20
centimeters deep, and was on top of the bedrock.
The midden associated with structure A-2, on the other hand, reached depths of over a meter before ending at bedrock with
a similar artifact assemblage. Four ceramic pendants (Figure 18) were found in CBA-2-19-2 of a regional style (also found
at Cancuen and Raxruha Viejo) that seem to be artificial phalanges. An equivalent necklace made from real human finger
bones was found in the 2000 investigations of Barton Creek Cave, Cayo District, Belize by the Western Belize Regional Cave
Project. Several Cancuen-style figurines were also found.
Excavations of the A-2 midden expanded into a non-intrusive trench (Figure 19) through the tumble from the structure
itself, which revealed 3 terraces in the back of the structure, including the 3-course platform retaining wall. Excavations
in the 2003 season will complete the trench, punch through the floor, and profile the building.
Three other excavations were undertaken in La Caoba Vieja-two in public land (behind the church's kitchen and in the
village aguada) and one on private land on the site of a soon-to-be latrine. The first excavation (CBA-4-1)was an attempt
to find a midden associated with Grupo las Niguas, which was rather disturbed, but dates to the Late Classic, with a possibly
earlier phase not appearing in the terminal-occupation midden. Work in the aguada (CBA-3-1) revealed a single sherd from
the Middle Preclassic, different-sized jars and tinajas, and a metate (see Bill et al., this volume). Former work on the
aguada by the residents of La Caoba revealed a skeleton associated with two whole vessels (a similar aguada-grave was found
at Cancuen in Grupo Los Patos, excavated in 2002 by John Tomasic 2002). Another excavation unit, CBA-4-2, dug
through the fill of a small housemound (Figure 20), revealed definitive evidence of an Early Classic occupation in the
structure fill. The latter two excavations were salvage operations in holes already dug by residents, however, and so
stratigraphic excavation was impossible.
Discussion
The 2002 VUPACS season provided data which allows us preliminary answers to proposed questions. What role did the archaeological site of La Caoba play in the region? And the related question: why were people living there in the first place? At present, Tres Islas is only other site that has been identified in the region with occupation contemporary to that of early phase La Caoba Viejo. Excavations by John Tomasic in the 2003 season will provide a site chronology for Tres Islas and will hopefully provide direct links with La Caoba and its associated caves. But the tough living conditions and long-term occupation of the site suggest that the origins of the settlement might indeed be largely ideological, the antithesis to the larger sites in the region. A small hilltop settlement, Wakaxtz'uul, was discovered neighboring the Caoba hills which might have provided a gateway to the area from the north.
Research next year will continue in several different directions. On the surface, we hope to refine the chronology of La Caoba Viejo and continue to test the hypothesis that the site attempted to control regional ritual activity in the surrounding hill-caves. Work will continue in the A-Group, and the Grupo las Niguas and begin in the C-Group. Since the site had scant access to water, we will examine how the residents exploited the scant water available to them by excavating the second, undisturbed aguada in the southern part of the site.
In the subterranean world, we hope to refine our understanding of the use of the caves as ritual loci by both investigating several of the caves more thoroughly and increasing our sample size. Trust with the locals was built over the 2002 season, and we hope to exploit local knowledge of the caves to find other important ritual sites.
An important result of the 2002 research is that we are now able to ask more specific questions for next year's research. Where was ritual activity occurring in the Late Classic? Since it appears that the dynastic seat of the region shifted from Tres Islas to Cancuen in the Late Classic, it is logical that the more-used caves would be located in the southern part of the La Caoba Vicinity, probably in the three large hills visible from Cancuen itself.
VIII. Conclusion
In 2002, VUPACS met its goals of providing an initial view of ritual activity in the Upper Pasión. This research is particularly important because evidence continues to support the hypothesis that cave rituals in karst towers (natural witzob') were the primary rather than auxiliary form of private and public ritual in the Upper Pasión, where temple architecture is conspicuously lacking.
A second achievement of the project was the recording of caves whose primary deposits are currently at high risk, including Candelaria, Juliq', and B'omb'il Pek, which were in the process of being opened or had already been opened for tourism. This salvage work, done in collaboration with the instigators and beneficiaries of the tourism project, allowed for a large amount of data to be collected while insuring the responsible maintenance of the caves by the local inhabitants.
Given the possible role of witz as temples in the region, the cave survey has also produced results that are serving as a guide for the first surface settlement survey of the region which is just beginning. Areas around the witzob' are just being surveyed (O'Mansky, this volume) to find the residential and economic centers associated with the shrines. Carot (1989) documented and mapped three of the known sites in the region (Raxruha Viejo, B'omb'il Pek Ruinas, and Deposito las Ruínas), but the former two were mapped more comprehensibly. Two new sites have been discovered during cave investigations, La Caoba Vieja and Wakaxtz'uul, and the former is subject to continuous investigation.
Continued research regarding the ancient ritual activity in this unexplored and unknown part of the Maya world will allow us to understand the role that ideology played in the lives of the ancient inhabitants of this kingdom and refine our comprehension of its significance in Mesoamerica. Our limited knowledge of the area at present creates a potentially challenging problem as to the relationship between power and ritual for the Maya elite. Was this region simply populated by a group of proto-capitalists whose elites gained power and prestige not through traditional Maya ideology but through acquisition of wealth and control of a strategic economic location? Or did the residents engage with the natural world in a manner similar to their neighbors' engagement with their created environment?
These studies have also included recording and comparison of contemporary with ancient ritual activity, which was done with the collaboration of Q'eqchi' community members and spiritual leaders. VUPACS and the Cancuen Archaeological Project have facilitated ecotourism projects and encouraged others, and helped to protected caves as archaeological and sacred sites. We hope that developing a local, Q'eqchi' management plan will bring financial gains to the community and, at the same time, allow the local Maya to become guardians of their own heritage. (García et al. 2002, Demarest et al. 2002).
Thanks to the support of the Ahau Foundation and the Ministerio de Cultura, it has been possible to address the enigmatic
lack of ritual architecture in the Upper Pasión region of Guatemala. More importantly, we have been able to record and
register sensitive and unknown paintings and artifacts in this region before they disappear. Hopefully, this effort and
continuing work in this region with the local inhabitants will allow these treasures to be preserved and protected for
generations to come.
IX. Works Cited
Bill, Cassandra; Michael Callaghan; and Jeanette Castellanos 2002 La ceramica de Cancuen y el Alto Pasión. In Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuen Informe Preliminar #4. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. Carot, Patricia 1989 Arqueología de las cuevas del norte de Alta Verapaz. Mexico City: Centre d'Études Mexicaines et Centraméricaines. Demarest, Arthur and Tomás Barrientos 2002 Archaeology, Sacred Site Development, and Community Identity: The View from Ongoing Multicultural Collaborations in Postwar Guatemala. Paper presented at the 100th Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Society, New Orleans. García, David; Arthur Demarest; and Tomás Barrientos 2002 El Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuen: un plan piloto para la interacción entre arqueología y desarrollo social. In XV Simposio de Invstigaciones Arqueologicas en Guatemala, edited by Juan Pedro Laporte, Héctor Escobedo, and Barbara Arroyo. Guatemala: Ministerio de Cultura y Deportes, 401-413. O'Mansky, Matt 2002 Mapeo y reconocimeinto en la Alta Pasión. In Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuen Informe Preliminar #4. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. Suhler, Charles K., David A. Freidel, and Traci Ardren 1998 Northern Maya architecture, ritual, and cosmology. In Anatomía de una Civilización: Aproximaciones Interdisciplinarias a la Cultura Maya. Madrid: Sociedad Española de Estudios Mayas, 253-273. Tomasic, John 2002 Investigaciones arqueológicas en Grupo los Patos, Cancuen, Guatemala. In Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuen Informe Preliminar #4. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. Woodfill, Brent and Jon Spenard 2001 Investigaciones Arqueológicos y Espeleo-arqueológicos en la vecinidad de La Caoba, Sayaxche, Guatemala. In Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuén Informe Preliminar #3, Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. (Link to English Version) Vogt, Evon V. 1965 Ancient Maya and Contemporary Tzotzil Cosmology: A Comment on Some Methodological Problems. American Antiquity 30: 192-5.